THERE IS NO “NORMAL” VICTIM: Why Sexual Misconduct Complaints Cannot Be Judged by Stereotype

The most dangerous myths are often the ones people mistake for common sense.

Why This Question Matters

In my last post, I wrote about an uncomfortable institutional question: whether power itself can begin to shape the conditions under which accountability is supposed to occur within the International Criminal Court (ICC). This post turns to a second question, no less consequential: whether assumptions can begin to shape judgment before accountability is formally tested.

Even where a disciplinary mechanism is formally allowed to proceed and no overt interference can yet be shown, allegations of sexual misconduct involving senior officials can still be distorted by something far more ordinary than politics. They can be distorted by assumption. Not a legal assumption, but a human one. Continue reading “THERE IS NO “NORMAL” VICTIM: Why Sexual Misconduct Complaints Cannot Be Judged by Stereotype”

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WHEN POWER PROTECTS ITSELF: Sexual Misconduct Allegations, Institutional Influence, and the ICC’s Hardest Test

It’s not just the abuse of power that’s the problem. It’s the power to abuse.


–Stefan Molyneux

When an Institution Must Judge Itself

Institutions created to judge power are often least prepared to confront it when it resides within their own walls.

That is the paradox now confronting the International Criminal Court (ICC). An institution established to challenge impunity abroad is now forced to confront a more uncomfortable possibility at home: whether power, once lodged within the institution, can begin to shape the terms of accountability from within. At moments like this, the central question is no longer only whether misconduct occurred. It is whether an institution founded on law can preserve confidence in its own processes when authority itself becomes part of the equation.

At international institutions, power rarely disappears when allegations of sexual misconduct arise. More often, it simply changes form. Continue reading “WHEN POWER PROTECTS ITSELF: Sexual Misconduct Allegations, Institutional Influence, and the ICC’s Hardest Test”

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INSTITUTIONAL PROTECTION AND INVESTIGATIVE FAILURE: Confronting Sexual Misconduct at the Highest Levels

At the heart of this process lies a fundamental procedural mismatch. According to public reporting, the OIOS was mandated to conduct fact-finding, not adjudication. The ad hoc Judicial Panel was tasked with legally characterising OIOS’ findings, but had no authority to address their deficiencies considering the seriousness of this matter, including the failure to assess witness credibility or resolve material narrative inconsistencies.


Association of International Criminal Law Prosecutors (AICLP)

No, I am not suggesting that there is an ongoing cover-up in L’Affaire Khan, nor that there is institutional indifference at the International Criminal Court (ICC). Nor am I attributing the process for handling allegations of sexual assault, witness interference, and retaliatory conduct attributed to ICC Prosecutor Karim A. A. Khan KC to incompetence on the part of the Bureau (all laid out in the Rules of Procedure and Evidence (RPE) and the Staff Regulations, save for the standard of proof issue). Continue reading “INSTITUTIONAL PROTECTION AND INVESTIGATIVE FAILURE: Confronting Sexual Misconduct at the Highest Levels”

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THE ICC AT AN INFLECTION POINT: But Which One?

Individuals alleging sexual violence often don’t report because they perceive – in many cases, correctly – the justice system as not being genuinely responsive to them.… In the case of Mr Khan, however, the bureau established an ad hoc process specifically for this complaint, and worked to ensure there was a victim-centred approach in a system that also respected due process. That is apparent in both the OIOS investigation and in the lengthy reasoned analysis of the eminent panel of jurists. If the Bureau starts to step away from the reasoned and unanimous analysis of the judges, they open up a conversation about whether the process that they established is founded upon law and due process, or on politics and power.


— Sareta Ashraph, lead counsel for Karim A. A. Khan

Perhaps it is a touch indecorous to weigh in on L’Affaire Khan now that the matter has moved into disciplinary territory and beyond the rather transparent lobbying by Ashraph and assorted proxies urging the ICC Bureau to adopt, without reservation, the findings of the three judicial experts.

With the Assembly of States Parties (ASP) now effectively holding the reins, the question presents itself in the terms Ashraph has framed it: is this an inflection point? Will any deviation from the panel’s findings “open up a conversation” about whether the process is grounded in law and due process—or in politics and power?

A debate will be had. That much is inevitable. And, frankly, healthy.

But an inflection point? An existential moment for the ICC? I think not. That characterization owes more to advocacy than analysis. Continue reading “THE ICC AT AN INFLECTION POINT: But Which One?”

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THE NON-EXONERATION EXONERATION: When Process Produces Ambiguity by Design

No matter how one slices it or dices it, shakes it or stirs it, fries it or bakes it, two points emerge—and they are not seriously contestable—from what has thus far been leaked to the press regarding the findings of the “experts” (or “judges”) tasked with examining the allegations against ICC Prosecutor Karim A. A. Khan, KC:

(a) This is not an exoneration

Let’s dispense with the headline spin. Continue reading “THE NON-EXONERATION EXONERATION: When Process Produces Ambiguity by Design”

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THE ICC’S GLASS HOUSE: A Cassandra Warning in L’Affaire Khan

Justice must not only be done, but must also be seen to be done.


Lord Hewart

When the world’s criminal court faces allegations against its own leaders, the issue is no longer just personal. It becomes a test of whether the institution upholds the accountability it expects from others.

Courts are built on trust. Brick by brick, decision by decision, they build reputations that may take decades to earn and only moments to destroy. When the world’s permanent international criminal court—the institution responsible for prosecuting the most serious crimes known to humanity—finds itself facing allegations against its own chief prosecutor, the issue is no longer just personal. It becomes institutional.

And institutions, unlike individuals, cannot afford the luxury of ambiguity.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) now faces a critical moment. What started as allegations involving its Prosecutor, has quietly grown into something bigger: a test of whether the ICC truly believes in the principles it was established to uphold. Continue reading “THE ICC’S GLASS HOUSE: A Cassandra Warning in L’Affaire Khan”

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DEBUNKING ILLUSIONS: What ICC Delay Tells Us About Power, Politics, and Prosecutorial Choice — Part II of INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE WITHOUT ILLUSIONS

This is Part II of my series:  INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE WITHOUT ILLUSIONS: A Realist’s View on the ICC’s Limitations.

Read Part I here.

Part II

Instead of lamenting that the United States might prosecute Nicolás Maduro before the International Criminal Court (ICC) ever does, a more honest—and more uncomfortable—question should be asked: why did an institution created to confront mass atrocities fail to act with urgency when it mattered most?

“Relativity”, M.C. Escher

Much of the commentary on Maduro’s potential prosecution relies on the idea that international justice follows a single moral timeline, with the ICC as its natural pinnacle. From this view, some see national proceedings as nothing more than distractions at best, or hurdles at worst. This perspective is not only legally flawed; it is also institutionally evasive. It shifts focus away from the ICC’s own history of delays, selectivity, and strategic hesitation, and instead blames others for inaction. Continue reading “DEBUNKING ILLUSIONS: What ICC Delay Tells Us About Power, Politics, and Prosecutorial Choice — Part II of INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE WITHOUT ILLUSIONS”

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JUSTICE DELAYED, JUSTICE MYTHOLOGIZED: Maduro, the ICC, and the Perils of Justice Without Power — Part I of INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE WITHOUT ILLUSIONS

INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE WITHOUT ILLUSIONS: A Realist’s View on the ICC’s Limitations

International criminal justice navigates a delicate balance between aspiration and authority. It invokes the language of universality but functions within a realm shaped by power, sovereignty, and uneven enforcement. This tension is most evident in discussions about the ICC, national prosecutions, and claims that domestic actions “undermine” or “obstruct” international justice.

Starting with the arrest of Nicolás Maduro and the possibility of an ICC sealed arrest warrant, I examine a straightforward yet frequently challenged concept: international criminal law is intertwined with geopolitics rather than existing above it. The ICC was never designed to control power, supersede sovereign jurisdictions, or hold complete accountability. Its authority depends on conditions, its enforcement varies, and its impact is influenced as much by political factors as by legal rules.

Rather than mourning these limitations, I advocate for honest confrontation. This approach does not undermine international justice; it enhances it. The real question is not whether the ICC is important, but what it can practically accomplish, when, and at what expense. Only by discarding comforting illusions can international criminal law establish itself as a credible and lasting endeavor.

This two-part series deliberately transitions from doctrine to delay, then to power, offering a realist perspective on what international criminal justice can—and cannot—accomplish in a world governed by sovereignty and strategic interests. My main argument is that international justice doesn’t fail because national jurisdictions act; it fails when symbolic aspiration is mistaken for real enforcement capabilities. Uneven accountability reflects uneven power, but this does not undermine international law; instead, it grounds it in reality. Naturally, these issues are complex and merit detailed, nuanced analysis, which this brief series cannot provide. Hopefully, however, it encourages discussion on what international criminal law, international criminal tribunals, especially the ICC, can realistically achieve. Continue reading “JUSTICE DELAYED, JUSTICE MYTHOLOGIZED: Maduro, the ICC, and the Perils of Justice Without Power — Part I of INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE WITHOUT ILLUSIONS”

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KHAN PART 2 — WHAT TO MAKE OF THE QATAR-LINKED “SPY-GATE” THAT TARGETED THE COMPLAINANT? Has the Time Come for ICC Prosecutor Khan to Resign or Be Eased Out?

The truth of the matter is that you always know the right thing to do. The hard part is doing it.


Robert H. Schuler

The International Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor, Karim A. A. Khan KC, should take the honorable step of resigning – posthaste.

There is no way to soften the truth or the distastefulness of the situation. What the public now sees resembles the unraveling of a spy novel—competing narratives of misinformation and disinformation, suggestions of double agents, questionable witnesses, whispered talk of a honeytrap, and more. Some of this may be accurate; much of it likely not. But that is beside the point. The collateral damage already inflicted upon the ICC is unmistakable. A court that aspires to serve as the court of last resort now risks appearing as a parody of its own ideals.

The allegations against Khan, however they ultimately resolve, have already compromised his stature. Accusations of sexual assault or rape almost inevitably inflict enduring reputational injury, even if exoneration follows. Yet this is only part of the problem. The latest revelations concerning efforts to target or discredit the complainant – even without any evidence that Khan was directly or indirectly involved, whether personally or through intermediaries – cast an even deeper shadow over the institution, particularly over the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP). Taken together, the Khan affair and the reported behind-the-scenes maneuvers aimed at pressuring or undermining the complainant constitute not merely an unfortunate distraction but a profound blow to the integrity, professionalism, and credibility expected of the Court’s chief prosecutor. Continue reading “KHAN PART 2 — WHAT TO MAKE OF THE QATAR-LINKED “SPY-GATE” THAT TARGETED THE COMPLAINANT? Has the Time Come for ICC Prosecutor Khan to Resign or Be Eased Out?”

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KHAN PART 1 — WHEN OPACITY FRAMES PERCEPTIONS: Is the Karim Khan affair investigation being slow-walked to deep-six the results?

“… many accounts of bullying behaviour amounting to harassment in all Organs of the Court though particularly the OTP … complaints that the culture of the Court’s workplace was adversarial and implicitly discriminatory against women. … a number of accounts of sexual harassment, notably uninvited and unwanted sexual advances from more senior male staff to their female subordinates.”(para. 209.)


Independent Expert Review 

Throughout its history, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has struggled with workplace harassment – not as an occasional lapse, but as a recurring, deeply rooted institutional problem. The issue is neither marginal nor conjectural. As the Assembly of State Parties (ASP) commissioned Independent Expert Review (discussed here), concluded in its 30 September 2020 Final Report, harassment – sexual and otherwise – was pervasive across the ICC and, within the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP), virtually systemic. That the OTP emerged as the “gold medalist” in this ignominious category surprised few insiders at the time.

Yes, reforms have been undertaken, and yes, some progress has been made. But when a culture of harassment becomes embedded – tolerated, normalized, and allowed to proliferate – optimism must be tempered by realism. Eradicating a deep-rooted institutional malaise requires far more than rewritten policies or aspirational memos. It demands vigilance, transparency, and a willingness to confront misconduct at every level, including the highest.

This brings us to the present and the allegations against Prosecutor Karim A. A. Khan KC (discussed here). To be clear, these are allegations; nothing has been proven. However, they include conduct that, in some national jurisdictions, could be classified as sexual assault or even rape. The possible permutations are limited: the encounter was consensual; it started consensually but became non-consensual; or it never happened and was fabricated. There are also claims of attempts to improperly influence the complainant and witnesses – conduct that, if true, could have Article 70 implications. Continue reading “KHAN PART 1 — WHEN OPACITY FRAMES PERCEPTIONS: Is the Karim Khan affair investigation being slow-walked to deep-six the results?”

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