{"id":438,"date":"2014-03-20T05:18:18","date_gmt":"2014-03-20T04:18:18","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/michaelgkarnavas.net\/blog\/?p=438"},"modified":"2014-03-21T14:18:20","modified_gmt":"2014-03-21T13:18:20","slug":"brown-university-seminar-part-v","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/michaelgkarnavas.net\/blog\/2014\/03\/20\/brown-university-seminar-part-v\/","title":{"rendered":"Brown University Seminar – Part V"},"content":{"rendered":"

This five-part blog post is drawn from Michael G. Karnavas\u2019s Seminar at the Brown University International Organization (BRIO) February 27, 2014.\u00a0 The comple<\/i>te piece is available on Michael’s website<\/a>.<\/i>
\n<\/i><\/b><\/p>\n

\u2666 \u00a0 \u2666 \u00a0 \u2666\u00a0\u00a0 \u2666<\/strong><\/p>\n

VI. CLOSING THOUGHTS<\/strong><\/b><\/p>\n

\"conclusion\"<\/a>In wrapping up the seminar, I discussed the implications of the various positions that are out there. To strike or not to strike. Operate outside the international legal framework, or operate as if within the international legal framework (as suggested by the UK) or alternatively with the view of recalibrating (redefining) the law on the use of force?<\/p>\n

Military strikes against Syria without UN Security Council approval are almost certainly a violation of international law. Building a coalition of the willing that operates outside\u00a0the UN would not make it any more legal, though, as in Kosovo, it could be viewed as legitimate or morally right.\u00a0 Punishment is not a legal justification. International law does not seem to provide a right of states to respond with force to serious violations of international law\u2014even when that law prohibits the use of chemical weapons.<\/p>\n

The principle of humanitarian intervention, despite the UK\u2019s expressed position, does not provide a legal basis to use force absent Security Council authorization.\u00a0 R2P is clear: the use force outside the UN Charter is not sanctioned. Were Syria to fail in its obligations under Resolution 2118, and were the Security Council be deadlocked in using force under Chapter VII, the US would have a hard choice to make:\u00a0 follow the law by acting inside the UN Charter, meaning do nothing, or act outside the UN Charter by justifying the military strikes as morally legitimate and seemingly necessary as part of a law making moment.\u00a0 Perhaps customary international law has evolved to the extent that under certain circumstances, it trumps the UN Charter\u2014at least in so far as the use of force for extreme humanitarian situations where the P-5 are unwilling to abide by their obligations in ensuring the fundamental precepts of the UN Charter as expressed in its Preamble. \u00a0Perhaps.\u00a0 But where there may be good humanitarian intention for unilateral\/collective use of force absent P5 consent, other agendas \u2013 such as regime change \u2013 seem to lurk in the background, giving rise to questions as to the real purpose of the use of force.\u00a0 Just take a look at how Michael Ignatieff put the case forward for the US to use force in Syria, in an Op Ed piece in the New York Times, coincidently, the day before the seminar, which, exquisitely, fit into our discussions:<\/p>\n

The trouble is that the conventional wisdom may be fatalism parading as realism and resignation masquerading as prudence. [\u2026] Given the near certainty that Russia would veto any United Nations Security Council \u00a0authorization of air power, and that the United States Congress, if asked to authorize force, would likely turn President Obama\u00a0 down, stopping the war in Syria will stretch domestic and international legality. But if legality is not stretched, the killing will go on indefinitely. [\u2026] Above all, using force would make the president \u2018own\u2019 the Syrian tragedy. So far he has tried to pretend he doesn\u2019t have to. The fact is he owns it already. American inaction has strengthened Russia, Hezbollah and Iran. It has turned Syria into the next front in the war with Islamic extremism. And it has put in jeopardy the stability of Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq and Turkey and risks leaving a failed state next door to Israel. If the president already owns the deadly consequences of inaction, it is only prudent now to back diplomacy with force so that the consequences do not become deadlier still. [1]<\/a><\/p>\n

From the rhetoric coming out of the White House and Congress, the Obama administration seemed intent on acting outside the UN Charter while offering no credible legal justification.\u00a0 The R2P doctrine\u2014such as it is\u2014provides no viable solution.\u00a0 As for the application of the humanitarian intervention as articulated by the UK, it too is fraught with risks of abuse.\u00a0 States could justify the use of force as a pretext of humanitarian intervention.<\/p>\n

With the Ukraine situation on the horizon, I concluded by asking, perhaps presciently, it now seems: Is there international law, or is there only power?<\/i><\/p>\n

Read the entire piece on my blog at michaelgkarnavs.net<\/strong><\/em>
<\/p>\n
\n
\n

[1]<\/a> Michael Ignatieff, With Syria, Diplomacy Needs Force<\/i>, N.Y. Times, Feb. 25, 2014, available at<\/i>\u00a0 http\/\/nyti.ms\/1cl99qW.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

This five-part blog post is drawn from Michael G. Karnavas\u2019s Seminar at the Brown University International Organization (BRIO) February 27, 2014.\u00a0 The complete piece is available on Michael’s website. \u2666 \u00a0 \u2666 \u00a0 \u2666\u00a0\u00a0 \u2666 VI. CLOSING THOUGHTS In wrapping up the seminar, I discussed the implications of the various positions that are out there. … Continue reading “Brown University Seminar – Part V”<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_s2mail":"yes","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[21,17,11],"tags":[7,3,20],"class_list":["post-438","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-international-criminal-law","category-publications","category-training","tag-international-criminal-law","tag-karnavas","tag-training"],"yoast_head":"\nBrown University Seminar - Part V - michaelgkarnavas.net\/Blog<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/michaelgkarnavas.net\/blog\/2014\/03\/20\/brown-university-seminar-part-v\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Brown University Seminar - Part V - michaelgkarnavas.net\/Blog\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"This five-part blog post is drawn from Michael G. 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